Robert Ferrell's The Question of MacArthur's Reputation

Thomas Fleming: Review of Robert H. Ferrell's The Question of MacArthur’s Reputation
(University of Missouri Press, 2008)
Source: Special to HNN (1-9-09)
[Mr. Fleming is the author of more than forty books including The Illusion of Victory, America in World War I. He is a member of HNN's board of directors.]
At the close of World War I, Brigadier General Douglas MacArthur of the 42nd “Rainbow” Division was nominated for the Congressional Medal of Honor for his leadership in the division’s Oct. 14-16, 1918 attack on the Cote de Chatillon, a fortified hill that was a crucial strong point in the Kreimhelde Stellung, the main German defense line on the Argonne battlefield. General C.A.F. Flagler, the then commander of the division, wrote in his citation: “General MacArthur put himself at the head of his men and took command in the line.” Officers in the headquarters of the 84th Brigade, which MacArthur commanded, confirmed Flagler’s account and told how MacArthur had been recently undergone spells of vomiting from gas poisoning. But he and his men drove home the climactic assault, which largely sealed the German Army’s defeat in the battle. Lieutenant Reginald Weller described MacArthur’s leadership in the following words:
“…He incurred the greatest peril and placed his life in immediate and constant danger. He made his way through a heavy interdiction fire of gas and shrapnel and despite the machine gun fire and artillery shelling of great intensity…he alone made victory possible...the courage of General MacArthur was the outstanding feature of the battle.”
Another headquarters lieutenant, Wayne Hill, certified that Weller’s report was correct in all particulars. The army corps’s ruthless commander, Major General Charles P. Summerall approved the nomination. The most hated and feared general in the AEF, Summerall had told MacArthur on the telephone that he wanted Chatillon and was ready to pay any cost. MacArthur had replied: “General, we will take the Cote de Chatillon by tomorrow afternoon by six o’clock or report a casualty list of 6,000 dead, That will include me.”
Two weeks later, MacArthur bragged to Major General Charles D. Rhodes about his performance in the assault on Chatillon. On Oct. 27, 1918, Rhodes wrote in his diary: “MacArthur says it is difficult to get soldiers to go into severe fighting without being personally led by officers, that he himself had to lead his brigade ‘through the wire in recent fighting.” The next day, Rhodes added further recollections of their conversation “The time comes in every division, said MacArthur, when brigade or division commanders must instill ‘the fighting spirit’ into their commands by personal presence and example.”
In an astonishing analysis of these three violent, chaotic October days, Robert H. Ferrell, professor of history emeritus at Indiana University, concludes that Brigadier General MacArthur’s heroism is fiction. In the savage fighting that eventually carried the Cote de Chatillon, MacArthur never left his command post, three miles behind the front lines. Two other officers, largely unrecognized to this day, achieved the victory by ignoring General MacArthur’s murderous demand for a frontal assault and finding a way to attack the hill on a relatively unfortfied flank. General MacArthur did not deserve to be nominated for anything, much less the Congressional Medal of Honor. It is probably significant that the nomination was rejected. MacArthur filed a protest, and the decoration was reduced to the Distinguished Service Cross, the next highest level of honors for bravery.
The story gets worse. Ferrell’s lowkeyed methodical narrative describes how the 42nd Division’s battle plan directed MacArthur to capture the Cote de Chatillon on Oct.14th in three hours – between 5:30 and 8:30 a.m. – a total impossibility. Instead of protesting this ridiculous order, MacArthur said nothing—and his brigade did next to nothing in the face of the massed machine guns and barbed war that confronted them on their immediate front. This failure to advance left division’s 83rd brigade, which included New York’s 165th Regiment-- the famed “Fighting 69th” -- exposed to murderous punishment when they tried to capture an adjoining hill, the Cote Dame Marie. When the colonel of the regiment halted the hopeless attack, and the general commanding the brigade agreed with him, they were called cowards and relieved of their commands by General Summerall. MacArthur, the man responsible for this failure, never said a word in their defense.
At 5 pm on Oct. 14, MacArthur, obviously embarrassed by the slow pace of his regiments, had ordered a bayonet attack after darkness fell. The officers in command in the front lines, Major John Ross of the 168th Iowa regiment and Lt. Colonel Walter Bare of the167th Alabama regiment, simply refused to obey the order. A flustered MacArthur repeated the order on Oct. 15, and again the officers refused, even more vehemently. Instead, they worked out a plan to attack Chatillon on its vulnerable northeast flank. They used a machine gun battalion to deluge the hill with bullets, driving the German gunners into their shelters. MacArthur apparently did nothing but approve this plan. Casualties were comparatively light.
The fighting on the 16th was prolonged and confused. The Germans launched two savage counterattacks before abandoning the hill. In all the accounts of the struggle, there is not a word from any participant that they were inspired by MacArthur’s example. It is devastatingly clear that he was not the man who “alone made victory possible.” Nor was his courage the “outstanding feature of the battle.” A sergeant named Atkinson received the DSC for his acts of heroism in the attack and a private named Niebaur won the congressional medal of honor.
We are only five years away from the 100th anniversary of World War I. Robert Ferrell has led the way to fresh scholarship on this neglected war with a series of tough minded books, which make it clear that the American Army had to learn painful lessons about how to fight on the western front. In 2004, he wrote “Collapse at the Meuse-Argonne: The Failure of the Missouri-Kansas Division.” He followed this with a searing portrait of the Lost Battalion, “Five Days in October,” in 2005, and “Argonne Days” in 2007. Ferrell is also noted for his expertise on Harry S. Truman. He edited his private papers in “Off the Record” and in “Dear Bess” he rescued from the archives dozens of neglected letters to Mrs. Truman. In the midst of his World War I books, Ferrell has found time to write “Harry Truman and the Cold War Revisionists” (2006) which defends the President against the numerous critics he has acquired in recent decades. In this latest book, Ferrell has written an indictment of Douglas MacArthur which his defenders will have to answer if the general is to retain his status as an icon of America’s military history.
William Lagner's GAS and FLAME in World War I
"GAS and FLAME in World War I", Lagner, William L. Alfred A. Knopf, New York 1965, 121 Pages, 4 Maps
I was browsing the WW-1 section of my local public library when I came across a reprint of "Gas and Flame" This is a small unit history of Company E, 1st Gas Regiment, AEF. The author served in the unit from its inception until its demobilization. The work is interesting in that it was written for the men of the company while they were waiting demobilization. Its original intent was to provide the men with something they could remember their experiences by. The reprint also contains a forward by the author describing his own role in the unit and how the work came about. What I found most interesting about this work is its similarity to Civil War memoirs, especially Elijah Hunt Rhodes' "All for the Union". Like is so common in Civil War works this book focuses on the small day to day life experiences of the men. It does not concentrate on its discussions of World War 1 combat, nor does it go into great detail on the intricacies of Gas Warfare. What it does do is discuss where the men went, how they got there, how much sleep they were managing to get, how wet they were, etc. The unit started out at Ft. Meyer VA., arrived in France at Brest. Received training in Chaumont, then participated in the St. Mihiel and Argonne offensives. In some respects the book is as much a travelogue as it is a unit history.
Another thing I find so interesting about the book is its tone. The author conveys the impression that these men were in some ways on a great adventure to serve their country and to make the world safe from German aggression. There is no implication that it was all a waste that cost the lives of so many good men. I don't know if this is because it was a work intended for the authors comrades and superiors, whether it was because the author thought that was what was expected, or whether it is because it reflects the attitude of so many men who served in the war - immediately upon its conclusion.
Jeff Beigie
Robert Ferrell's America's Deadliest Battle

America’s Deadliest Battle: Meuse-Argonne, 1918, Robert H. Ferrell, Kansas, 2007, 195 + xii pages, photos, maps, index, bibliography, ISBN 978 070061 499 8, $29.95 cloth.
The Author, a distinguished Professor emeritus of History at the University of Indiana has produced many books on American history including Woodrow Wilson and World War I, Five Days in October: The Lost Battalion of World War I, and Peace in Their Time: the Origins of the Kellogg-Briand Pact.
This is the best recent study of the AEF’s controversial Meuse-Argonne offensive, America’s largest effort of World War One. Actually more of a campaign than a single battle, this action extended over 47 days from September 26, 1918 until the end of the war including a two-week lull for reorganization and command reshuffle. It involved some 1.2 million troops with 26 thousand of them killed and 95 thousand wounded.
Ferrell begins the story with a review of American preparations for war. He finds these deficient largely because of the lack of aggressive political leadership from Wilson and his Secretary of War, Newton Baker to mobilize American business and industry.
What Ferrell does not take into account is the fact that, by 1917, American industry was operating at well over 90% of capacity to fill Entente orders and that the traditional source of excess labor for American industrial expansion – European immigration – had dried up as a result of the war. Unlike in 1940 and 1941, America What ever the causes, the result was devastating in terms of shipping available to transport hundreds of thousand of ill-trained Doughboys to Europe along with the motor vehicles, mules and horses needed for their transport to and supply at the front. American industry also fumbled technically and failed to produce the artillery and aircraft need to fight a modern war. And, army trainers – steeped in the lore of past conflicts -- failed to impart the infantry and artillery skills necessary for survival on the Western Front. Indeed, far too many soldiers arrived in the trenches uninstructed even in the loading and firing their rifles. Though Pershing instituted impressive local training programs in France, these came too late to meet the emergency created by the dangerous German offensives of spring 1918.
Moving on to the Meuse-Argonne itself, Ferrell describes and analyses the improvisation and confusion of the opening days typified by heavy casualties, faulty use of artillery, poor infantry tactics and clogged supply lines. Senior leadership in the AEF was uneven. Pershing, frustrated and embarrassed by lack of progress fired many divisional commanders. These commanders, in turn, relieved brigade, regimental and battalion commanders deemed less than aggressive in pushing their troops forward in costly frontal assaults. Ferrell uses a full chapter in recapping his 2004 book on the failure of the 35th Missouri-Kansas National Guard Division before moving on to more successful efforts to end the artillery enfilade and the occupation of the Kriemhilde Stellung in mid-October. Though he recognizes that Foch had assigned the green AEF perhaps the toughest sectors of the German line (they had been entrenched in the broken, hilly Argonne Forest virtually undisturbed for four years), Ferrell sensibly places most of the blame for American failure on faulty tactics and poor leadership.
The author then goes on to analyze the reorganization of the AEF into two separate armies as Pershing mandated during the last two weeks of October 1918. This allowed time to rest and reinforce units skeletonized by the earlier fighting, to reorganize artillery deployment and tactics, and order the general use of mustard and phosgene gas. Junior officers were also busy retraining their men to use infiltration and other innovative tactics against German machine gun nests. The troops that fought the breakthrough phase of the battle from November first were far better prepared, led and supported than their September 1918 comrades.
In all this is an excellent survey of the Meuse-Argonne campaign for the general reader. It lacks the tactical detail of Paul Braim’s 1987 work, but is stronger and better organized in its analysis. Ferrell provides excellent maps (often lacking in works of this kind) drawn largely from the official U. S. Army history American Armies and Battlefields in Europe (GPO, 1938). Some may consider him overly harsh in his judgments of American leadership shortcomings. Many historians -- while recognizing the AEF’s shortcomings -- hew to the view that it was just short of miraculous that America was able to send two million men to Europe in less than 18 months. That being said, the only weakness is the author’s hasty attempt at a survey analysis of the postwar world following what he views as the hollow victory of 1918.
Len Shurtleff
Mark Grotelueschen's Doctrine Under Trial